Submitted by Illinoisnoki1 on Fri, 10/21/2011 - 14:38

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By Mel Rothenberg--- Oct. 17, Chicago Political Economy Group and New New Deal

The US is facing a growing political crisis. According to both NY Times liberal columnist Thomas Friedman and NY Times conservative columnist David Brooks neither the Democratic or Republican Parties are capable of governing. On a recent interview on the Charlie Rose show these two pillars and guardians of acceptable mainstream thinking called for a third party which could govern sensibly from the center to replace our traditional parties which had become, respectively, captives of “left wing” and “right wing” extremists.

Although these two worthies frame the crises in obscurantist, centrist terms they are certainly correct about it existence. Nor would they, or any other serious observer, deny that this crises is rooted in a global economic slump which will extend over the coming decade.

Further, while this slump reflects the failure of the neo-liberal world economic order, the ruling interests in the major, capitalist powers are determined to retain the neo-liberal order and resolve the economic crises within the framework of this order.

During the course of the past century the social/ political consequences of such a crises, the failure of the old order and the determination of the ruling class to preserve it has been the emergence and growth of two competing mass movements.

From the right have come Fascist type movements, mobilizing on the basis of nationalist, militarist, imperialist, and racist projects as a solution to the economic crises. From the left have come movements of a socialist character focusing on democracy, egalitarianism, and working class power.

In the US at the present moment we see the beginnings of the emergence of both types of movements. The Tea Party has the characteristics of a Fascist type movement, although it remains somewhat incoherent because of the strong influence of anti-government sentiment borrowed from earlier nativist, racist, right-wing populist movements.

The resistance of the Public Sector workers in Wisconsin and elsewhere, and the recent upsurge of Occupy movements across the country appear to be the kernel of a left wing mass movement, although the influence of counter –cultural and classical liberal ideas, along with a nostalgia for the middle class utopia of the 1950’s and even the 1990’s indicate the movements immaturity,

In this situation progressives have two somewhat contradictory tasks. We must mobilize to oppose the growth of the right and that means form some kind of alliance, or at least cooperation, with those centrists who are principled in their opposition to the Fascists, and understand the serious threat.

For the centrists, the 2012 elections and especially the re-election of Obama are the main political tasks, and any alliance means that we cannot make attacking Obama the central thrust of our electoral intervention. To do so would place us in bed with the Tea Party and rule out our participation in any broad anti-racist, anti-Fascist mobilization.

At the same time, to promote the growth of the left mass movement, we must oppose the centrists who will do their best to demobilize and tame any such movement. A clear line must be drawn the radical and democratic thrust of this movement, and the various institutions and processes that the center will offer to co-opt the movement, and in particular Democratic Party electoral success as the be all and end all of political struggle. We must struggle against transforming anti-Fascist, anti-Racist or pro-job mobilizations into election rallies.

Further until the left has attained a much higher level of ideological unity, organizational resources and strength, and mass influence all talk of a broad center-left coalition is a recipe for folding the left into the center. To be able to function effectively and promote our program within a coalition entails having the power and will to effectively punish our coalition partners if they trample over our concerns. Obama’s practice over the past three years shows we don’t, at present, have that power.

Do we have the capacity to simultaneously and effectively perform both tasks? A lot rests on this. Without the conscious and effective participation of veteran left activists neither a robust anti-Fascist movement or left mass movement will be built. We need both and in fact each of these challenges requires the other although each also requires somewhat different methods and slogans. How to maneuver within this complicated terrain is the basic challenge.